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Heatlhcare Seminar Series | Emergency Preparedness for the Affordable Care Act
Apr 9, 2013 | 21st Century Business, Benefits, Business, Employment Practices, Healthcare, Insurance Carrier, Law, Local Events Comments OffWe are pleased to invite you to Diversified Insurance’s Seminar Series, designed to help employers prepare for the upcoming Affordable Care Act (ACA) timelines. Our three part seminar series is not only designed to just teach you how the ACA will affect your business, but to also help you look at employee benefits in a new way.
Our first seminar, “Knowing the Rules”, is designed to help you deeply understand the impact the ACA will have on your company. Diversified is excited to host our nationally recognized, expert Compliance Director, Peter Marathas, Esq. to guide you through the new rules and regulations regarding the Affordable Care Act (ACA). We promise he will make a complicated subject entertaining!
Please click the LINK to learn more about these seminars and register for “Knowing the rules” for what is surely to be the best series you will attend.
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Risky Bets on Healthcare Sometimes Pay Off – Sometimes Don’t
Apr 16, 2012 | 21st Century Business, Benefits, Business, Executive Liability, Finance, Government Policy, Insurance Carrier Comments OffSouthCoast Medical Group
had long provided health insurance to its employees the conventional way, paying premiums to an insurance company that covered medical claims. Then in January 2011 the 65-doctor practice with offices in and around Savannah, Ga., opted to take on more of the risk itself.SouthCoast thought it could save money by self-insuring, a strategy typically used by much larger companies. Today it pays directly for the medical care of the 280 staffers and family members on its plan, setting aside the cash it would have spent on premiums to cover claims and paying an administrator to process them. To limit its risk, the group also purchased “stop-loss” insurance that would kick in after any individual’s medical bills exceeded $100,000.
The approach is common for corporations with thousands of employees, where the cost of care and the attendant risk is spread out over large numbers of people. For small employers, though, one car accident or organ transplant can push expenses far above the expected level. Still, with premiums for traditional policies continuing to rise, small businesses are increasingly ready to roll the dice. Some 20 percent of companies with 50 to 199 workers self-insured in 2010, up from 14 percent four years earlier, according to a Rand Corp. analysis commissioned by the U.S. Department of Labor.
. . .
Self-insured plans are governed by federal law and not states, which typically oversee health insurance. Some regulators fear that insurers attempting to avoid state taxes on insurance premiums and skirt state laws requiring minimum benefit levels will offer plans that are self-insurance in name only. One way they can do that is with stop-loss policies that start paying out at very low levels, after as little as $10,000 in claims, which sharply reduces the risk companies face. If “the employer is not in fact bearing the risk and the insurance company is, then the states take a look,” says Sabrina Corlette, a researcher at the Georgetown University Health Policy Institute. New York and Oregon already forbid insurance companies from selling stop-loss insurance to groups with fewer than 50 employees, and California’s insurance commissioner wants to outlaw the sale of certain stop-loss policies to small businesses.Self-insuring appeals to employers because dollars not spent on medical care stay in the company instead of flowing to the insurance carrier’s bottom line. The approach also gives businesses more detailed information about how their workers use health care. Claims data, which insurers are often reluctant to share, can help companies tailor plans and wellness programs to improve workers’ health by helping them quit smoking or lose weight.
For small employers, self-insurance programs can bring unexpected problems. In its first year of self-insuring, SouthCoast faced a spike in major claims that ate up 60 percent of its reserves. When the company’s stop-loss policy came up for renewal, the premiums more than doubled, to $250,000, because of the costly claims, even after SouthCoast agreed to take on an additional $25,000 of risk per employee. The total cost to SouthCoast—including claims, stop-loss coverage, and administrative fees—jumped 25 percent, says Chief Financial Officer Gary Davis. Traditional insurance, though, would cost double what the company spent last year, he estimates. “You have to keep your eyes open that it’s a risk,” says Davis. “One out of every five or six years, you’re going to have a bad year.”
Insurers offering stop-loss policies sometimes protect themselves with what the industry calls “lasering.” That’s when they raise the dollar amount the employer must pay before stop-loss kicks in for certain workers deemed to be high-risk—which can shift even more cost to employers. The practice can be “devastating” to small businesses, says Carl Mowery, a managing director in consultancy Grant Thornton’s compensation and benefits practice. Employers pay more up front for guarantees that they won’t have sick workers carved out later on, but Mowery says small businesses should insist on that protection to avoid being overwhelmed by catastrophic claims. “A premature baby who has a lot of health issues could be a million-dollar claim in a single year,” he says. “That could be twice as much as [small companies] pay in health premiums altogether.”
Any benefits from self-insurance don’t materialize overnight, cautions Sam Fleet, president of AmWINS Group Benefits, a wholesale insurance brokerage in Charlotte. “You need an engaged employer, and it’s not a one-year savings,” he says. Fleet says small companies drawn by the promise of lower costs may not fully grasp the risk involved. “What scares me is there are a lot of people out there that recommend self-funding to employers,” he says. “It’s really, really important that you understand what you’re getting into.”
Full Businessweek Article can be found HERE
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Property and Casualty Rates Edging Higher
Apr 13, 2012 | Business, Cybercrime, D&O Insurance, Employment Practices, Executive Liability, Finance, Insurance Carrier Comments OffSome Segments Experiencing Modest Firming but No Uniform Market Hardening
For the Property insurance market, 2011 was a challenging year,
with insured global catastrophe losses totaling $108 billion. Revisions to catastrophe modeling tool RMS 11.0 is also putting upward pressure on rates. Catastrophe-exposed accounts saw rates climb an average of 5%-10% in Q4 2011, with many accounts experiencing increases in the 10%-15% range – a trend that has continued through Q1 2012. While Willis expects rates for catastrophe risk to continue to climb throughout 2012, abundant capacity and the lingering weak economy have tempered upward pressure on a broader level.In primary/umbrella Casualty lines, more than 75% of insureds are seeing modest rate increases on renewal, driven by gradual increases in revenues and rating exposures.
Key Price Predictions for 2012
Property
- Non-CAT risks: Flat
- CAT-exposed risks: +7.5% to +12.5%
Casualty
- General Liability: Flat to +7.5%
- Umbrella: +2.5% to +7.5%
- Excess: Flat to +7.5%
- Workers’ Compensation: +2.5% to +7.5%
- Auto: Flat to +10%
Executive Risks
- Directors & Officers: -5% to +5%
- Errors & Omissions: Flat to +5% with good loss experience; +10 to +20% with poor loss experience
- Employment Practices Liability: Flat to -5%
- Fiduciary: Flat to -5%
Cyber:
Flat to -5%; more competitive for first-time buyers
Benefits:
+8%
Information excerpted from Yahoo!Finance
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It’s the Prices, Stupid
Mar 5, 2012 | 21st Century Business, Benefits, Biotech, Business, Healthcare, Insurance Carrier, Law, Risk Management Comments OffThere is a simple reason health care in the United States costs more than it does anywhere else: The prices are higher.
That may sound obvious. But it is, in fact, key to understanding one of the most pressing problems facing our economy. In 2009, Americans spent $7,960 per person on health care. Our neighbors in Canada spent $4,808. The Germans spent $4,218. The French, $3,978. If we had the per-person costs of any of those countries, America’s deficits would vanish. Workers would have much more money in their pockets. Our economy would grow more quickly, as our exports would be more competitive.
There are many possible explanations for why Americans pay so much more. It could be that we’re sicker. Or that we go to the doctor more frequently. But health researchers have largely discarded these theories. As Gerard Anderson, Uwe Reinhardt, Peter Hussey and Varduhi Petrosyan put it in the title of their influential 2003 study on international health-care costs, “it’s the prices, stupid.”
As it’s difficult to get good data on prices, that paper blamed prices largely by eliminating the other possible culprits. They authors considered, for instance, the idea that Americans were simply using more health-care services, but on close inspection, found that Americans don’t see the doctor more often or stay longer in the hospital than residents of other countries. Quite the opposite, actually. We spend less time in the hospital than Germans and see the doctor less often than the Canadians.
“The United States spends more on health care than any of the other OECD countries spend, without providing more services than the other countries do,” they concluded. “This suggests that the difference in spending is mostly attributable to higher prices of goods and services.”
Prices don’t explain all of the difference between America and other countries. But they do explain a big chunk of it. The question, of course, is why Americans pay such high prices — and why we haven’t done anything about it.“Other countries negotiate very aggressively with the providers and set rates that are much lower than we do,” Anderson says. They do this in one of two ways. In countries such as Canada and Britain, prices are set by the government. In others, such as Germany and Japan, they’re set by providers and insurers sitting in a room and coming to an agreement, with the government stepping in to set prices if they fail.
In America, Medicare and Medicaid negotiate prices on behalf of their tens of millions of members and, not coincidentally, purchase care at a substantial markdown from the commercial average. But outside that, it’s a free-for-all. Providers largely charge what they can get away with, often offering different prices to different insurers, and an even higher price to the uninsured.
Health care is an unusual product in that it is difficult, and sometimes impossible, for the customer to say “no.” In certain cases, the customer is passed out, or otherwise incapable of making decisions about her care, and the decisions are made by providers whose mandate is, correctly, to save lives rather than money.
In other cases, there is more time for loved ones to consider costs, but little emotional space to do so — no one wants to think there was something more they could have done to save their parent or child. It is not like buying a television, where you can easily comparison shop and walk out of the store, and even forgo the purchase if it’s too expensive. And imagine what you would pay for a television if the salesmen at Best Buy knew that you couldn’t leave without making a purchase.
“In my view, health is a business in the United States in quite a different way than it is elsewhere,” says Tom Sackville, who served in Margaret Thatcher’s government and now directs the IFHP. “It’s very much something people make money out of. There isn’t too much embarrassment about that compared to Europe and elsewhere.”
The result is that, unlike in other countries, sellers of health-care services in America have considerable power to set prices, and so they set them quite high. Two of the five most profitable industries in the United States — the pharmaceuticals industry and the medical device industry — sell health care. With margins of almost 20 percent, they beat out even the financial sector for sheer profitability.
The players sitting across the table from them — the health insurers — are not so profitable. In 2009, their profit margins were a mere 2.2 percent. That’s a signal that the sellers have the upper hand over the buyers.
This is a good deal for residents of other countries, as our high spending makes medical innovations more profitable. “We end up with the benefits of your investment,” Sackville says. “You’re subsidizing the rest of the world by doing the front-end research.””
Article excerpted from Washington Post by Ezra Klein HERE








